高級翻譯資格口譯指導：數字記錄方法

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高級翻譯資格口譯指導：數字記錄方法

數字的翻譯一直是口譯中的難點。這是因為中英文數字的表達，在5個digit以上就不對應了，簡單的一個例子：

1萬，英文的表達是10 thousand。因此數字的表達，特別是中英文之間的翻譯轉換，一定要靠記筆記，并借助符號，用符號來代替單位，區分中英文單位間的差異。

一.英譯中

如果你聽到下面一群復雜的數字，你該怎么記錄呢?

例：It covers a total of five hundred forty-nine million nine hundred forty-six thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight square meters.

可能會有這樣的幾種記錄方法：

第一種：5 h 49 m 9 h 46 th 7 h 68 sqm

第二種：549 m 946 th 768 sqm

如果在英譯中時這么記錄的話，恐怕等到規定翻譯的時間過了你還沒搞清究竟這堆數字是多少，翻成中文該怎么說。這時，我們就要考慮是否有簡單易做的方法呢?答應肯定是YES。

記住：

英文表達數字時可以從右往左，三位一逗號，例如前面記錄的數字就是：549, 946，768

英文：三位一逗號，逗號從右往左，每個逗號的位置分別對應的是：thousand, million, billion。

因此，要想英文數字記得快而準，三位數的聽寫要過關。

聽寫英文數字和表達法這樣應該沒多大問題了，那么怎樣翻譯成中文呢?方法也是一樣，中文用豎線表達，以區分英文的逗號，即從右往左、四位一豎。剛才例舉的數字：549,946,768可以這么添上記號轉換成中文的表達法：5│49,94│6,768

中文：四位一豎，每個豎線位置從右往左分別對應的是：萬，億

所以上面的數字經劃線后可以輕松的讀成：五億//四千九百九十四萬//六千七百六十八

翻譯考試一級口譯實務漢譯英真題及參考答案

第一篇 WTO改革

和一個國家一樣，任何國際組織都需要與時俱進，WTO也不例外。多哈回合久拖不決，十多年來，發達成員數千億美元的農業補貼沒有一絲一毫的削減;電子商務等新興業態在全球市場上風生水起，WTO卻未能提供任何國際規范;更嚴重的是，面對今天甚囂塵上的單邊主義、保護主義狂潮，WTO難以進行有效地制約。

A country needs to keep up with the new developments, and so are the international organizations. WTO is no exception. The Doha Round has been dragging on for years. Over the past decade, the hundreds of millions of dollars in agricultural subsidies in the developed members have remained largely unchanged. But at the same time, new forms of business, such as e-commerce, have flourished across the world. WTO is not providing international norms to address any of these issues. What is even more alarming is that the organization seems to be losing effectiveness to rein in the rampage of unilateralism and protectionism.

因此，WTO需要改革、必須改革。同時，改革必須堅持正確的方向，采取恰當的方式。

For all these reasons, WTO needs a reform. But the reform should be in the right direction and taking the right approach.

第一，改革必須堅持反對保護主義、單邊主義的方向，必須有助于推進世界范圍的貿易自由化、投資便利化進程，必須堅持非歧視的原則，必須充分發揚民主。改革不是另起爐灶，對已經制定的規則，大家都要遵守;如有人破壞，應群起反對之。

First, the reform needs to be firmly set in the course of fighting against unilateralism and protectionism. It has to push for worldwide trade liberalization and investment facilitation. It has to stick to the principle of non-discrimination and adopt a democratic approach. Reform is not to reinvent the wheel. The existing rules must be fully respected and faithfully implemented. Reform is not an excuse for not implementing the rules, and any such attempt should be met with resistance from the members.

新的商業領域需要新規則，也應允許部分成員，也許可從志同道合的成員開始進行探索，但要充分聽取和考慮廣大發展中國家的意見和需求，最終形成多邊規則。

With respect to making new rules for new forms of business activities, we should allow members, maybe starting with groups of like-minded ones, to explore these issues, but we also need to duly consider the views and needs of the developing members and fully consult with them. Only through an inclusive process, can we maybe eventually reach multilateral outcomes.

第二，改革需要有優先順序，循序漸進，不能好高騖遠。通過成員間的協商和談判，如果能夠盡快恢復WTO爭端解決機制的正常運轉，如果能夠在2019年如期達成漁業補貼協議，如果能在電子商務、投資便利化、中小微企業等議題的討論上有所進展，如果能夠在透明度等問題上也做出一些改善，對于將于2020年舉行的第12屆WTO貿易部長會議來說，已是功莫大焉。在上述領域的改革中，中國愿意發揮積極的、建設性的作用，并做出與自身能力相稱的貢獻。

Second, we need to prioritize and take a step-by-step approach, and stay away from moonshot targets. If, through consultations and negotiations among the members, we could expeditiously restore the proper functioning of the dispute settlement mechanism, achieve an agreement on fishery subsidies in 2019 as we planned, make progress on the new topics such as e-commerce, investment facilitation and MSMEs, make improvements in terms of transparency. If we can achieve these targets at the MC12 in 2020, I think we can already call it a success. China is willing to play a proactive and constructive role, and to make contributions within its capacities.

有人把WTO比喻成為一個患了嚴重疾病的人，如果是這樣的話，做出正確診斷比匆忙開出藥方更重要。今天的討論可以算是一次醫生的集體會診，類似的會診也許會以不同的方式進行多次，直到我們確認真正的病源是什么，然后再對癥下藥。

People sometimes say that the WTO is a patient in a critical state with multiple failing organs. If that is the case, urgently resorting the functioning of the organs and making the right diagnostics of the illness is more important that rushing to give prescriptions. Today’s discussion might be a group consultation of doctors to identify what is the cause of the illness and work on a plan for proper treatment. We might have many such group consultations in different formats so that we can have the right understanding of the issues and provide the right solutions.

我們每個人都知道WTO的危機來自何方。任何一個國家或者個人對WTO的態度，都只是WTO改革的背景，而不是改革的原因。當然我們必須要做最壞的打算，但我不想針對假設性的問題花費過多的時間。我只想說，我們會在自己的能力和職責范圍內，努力推動正確的WTO改革。

We all know where the crisis of WTO comes from, but whatever a particular country or a particular individual thinks about the WTO, it can only serve as the context rather than the reason for the reform of the WTO. Of course, we have to prepare for the worst, but I don’t want to spend too much time on hypothetical scenarios. I just want to say that we will, within our capacities and responsibilities, work hard to push for the right reform of the WTO.

題目來源： 中國常駐世界貿易組織代表團張向晨大使在法國經濟財政部、外交部組織的研討會午餐時的發言

第二篇 “一帶一路”倡議

“一帶一路”倡議提出以來，許多國家都將其視為和中國合作的機會和平臺。但是也有批評認為，中國的“一帶一路”所提供的的貸款，加大了例如斯里蘭卡等國的債務，使他們無力償還。 但是一帶一路倡議實施僅僅五年，中國是國際投融資市場的后來者。中國公司走出去，在國外投資也有限。

Many countries see the BRI as an opportunity and a platform for closer cooperation with China. One criticism that people have raised is the idea of debt. The idea that many of the loans or the investments involved loans from China to the countries like Sri Lanka may make them take on too much debt and they won't be able to fund them. China is a latecomer in international investment and financing markets. It's just been five years since the BRI was put forward. And it hasn't been that many years since Chinese companies started to explore the global market.

根據斯里蘭卡中央銀行的統計數據，2017年中國的貸款僅占斯里蘭卡外債的10%左右，其中 60%是低于國際市場利率的優惠貸款。因此，很明顯，斯里蘭卡外債負擔，并不是中國的責任。實際上債務有很多因素構成，包括一個國家的歷史舊賬、國際經濟環境的變化，包括儲備貨幣上漲、其他國家利率上調、大宗商品價格的下降等。

According to the 2017 annual report issued by its central bank, Sri Lanka's total foreign debt is over US$50 billion. China only accounts for about 10%. Plus, over 60% of Chinese loans are concessional loans, with an interest rate much lower than the international level. The cause for debt is complicated and involves many factors, including economic fundamentals, historical debt baggage, or changing international and economic environment like rising protectionism, interest rates hike in some advanced economies, appreciation of major reserve currencies as well as plummeting commodity prices.

斯里蘭卡的港口建設，實際上是斯里蘭卡邀請中方進行的。斯里蘭卡一直希望打造全球性的物流和倉儲中心，但是因為內亂和戰爭， 始終沒有如愿。如今斯里蘭卡局勢穩定，因此希望中國參與建設。一開始中國企業不了解當地局勢，也有很多猶豫，最后經過大量研究、探討，雙方終于達成共識，組建合資企業，股權共有。 但是我要強調的是，港口的主權和所有權都屬于斯里蘭卡，建設完成后，如果斯里蘭卡覺得有必要，可以購回股權。

About the Hambantota port, the project was built and run at the request of the Sri Lankan side. For years, Sri Lanka had hoped to make good use of its geographical location and build the country into a logistic and warehouse hub in the Indian ocean. In the past, because of civil war and conflict, they were unable to do so. Now the situation is stable, to build an international port is back on their agenda. And they looked for help from China. The idea of the operation right also came from the Sri Lankan side. The Chinese company was hesitant at first because they were not familiar with such situation. After careful studies and rounds of consultation and negotiation, the Chinese company overcame difficulties and reached agreement with the Sri Lankan side to set up two joint ventures, and had acquired corresponding stakes. I want to stress that the sovereignty over and ownership of the Hambantota port belong to Sri Lanka throughout the process. When it is done, if it so needs, Sri Lanka can repurchase part of or all stakes from the Chinese company until it takes it all back.

也有人將“一帶一路”與馬歇爾計劃相比較?！耙粠б宦贰迸c馬歇爾計劃有相似之處，它們都是在和平時期促進基礎設施發展的倡議。但是“一帶一路”與馬歇爾計劃存在本質區別。首先一帶一路”比“馬歇爾計劃”既古老得多，又年輕得多。說古老，是因為“一帶一路”傳承著具有兩千多年歷史的古代絲綢之路精神，是古代絲綢之路精神的現代版本。說年輕，是因為“一帶一路”誕生于全球化時代，是開放合作的產物，不是地緣政治的工具，不同于馬歇爾計劃，因為它誕生于冷戰期間，是美蘇爭霸的產物。其次，“一帶一路”重在強調不同國家間的相互交流和互聯互通。

Some compare the Belt and Road Initiative to the Marshall plan. It may appear that the two initiatives have something in common, as they are both about investment in infrastructure in peacetime. But other than that, they cannot be more different. First, time-line wise, the Belt and Road Initiative ( BRI ) is older and also younger than the Marshall Plan. Older because it draws inspiration from the spirit of the ancient Silk Road with over 2000 years of history, hence the modern version of the Silk Road. It is younger than the Marshall plan, because it was conceived in the 21st century, an era of globalization, and born out of opening-up and cooperation. Secondly, the Marshall Plan was introduced during the Cold War dominated by rivalry between the United States and the former Soviet Union. Therefore it had clear geopolitical and ideological goals. The BRI, on the other hand, focuses on economic cooperation and connectivity.

題目來源：2018年9月10日外交部副部長樂玉成接受英國《金融時報》亞洲版總編吉密歐專訪就“一帶一路”倡議有關問題闡述了中方政策立場

翻譯考試一級口譯實務漢譯英真題及參考答案

第一篇 中產階級的興起

目前中產階級人口為 38 億，占全球人口一半左右，和貧困人口相當。中產階級是人口中增長最快的，預計到 2020 年底將達 40 億。增長最多的是在亞洲，包括中國、印度、東南亞等。富人雖然人均消費高，但是人數少。窮人人數多，但是收入不足以消費。因此中產階級的崛起帶來了商機，以前只在發達國家出現，現在全球都是如此。對于中產階級的定義有很多，比如定義窮人為每人每天消費1.8 美元，而中產階級為每人每天 110 美元。我們對中產階級的定義是能夠買得起經久耐用的大件物品，比如摩托車、冰箱等;他們還能進行娛樂消費，例如看電影、度假等。他們不會因病致貧，或者因失業致貧，能夠抵御經濟困難的風險。這種定義也得到了很多研究人員的認可。

第二篇 全球貿易和供應鏈

全球貿易實際上是企業進行競爭和合作的過程。但是美國總統特朗普、美國政治家和官員并不這么認為。他們相信總統所做的承諾，即讓美國再次偉大起來。當然國家間的關系也有著競爭，比如影響力的競爭，最壞的情況下甚至會進行軍事沖突。但是認為貿易等同于國家間的競爭，實際 上是將參與全球貿易的公司和國家劃等號，原因是貿易數據實際上是由進出口組成的。于是有人相信這種謬論，即 A 國出口10 美元到 B 國，就意味著 A 國國內生產了 10 美元的產品。這實際上跟現實失之千里。如今所有國家和公司都要參與到全球性的供應鏈之中，除非某個國家完全閉關鎖國，不參與國家貿易。但是世界上沒有這樣一個國家，即使是朝鮮也不例外。比如蘋果公司的蘋果手機，是由起源于中國臺灣的鴻海，也就是富士康，在中國大陸設廠生產的。每年中國向美國運送價值 20 億美元的蘋果手機。特朗普認為這是美國對中國貿易逆差的原因之一。但是實際上，雖然在手機中國生產，但是手機部件的供應商遍布全球，家喻戶曉的比如韓國的三星和 LG，日本的東芝和索尼，美國自己的高通等等。還有一些不那么出名，但是同樣重要的供應商則來自荷蘭、新加坡等。更復雜的是，富士康在新加坡、馬拉西亞、泰國等地設廠，也向大陸的富士康供應部件。因此根據拉里研究機構的報告顯示，中國實際上只獲取了其中一小部分產品附加值。

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